Pedro L. Gonzalez - Pedro José González-Trevijano Sánchez (Madrid, 1958) jurist and professor of Spanish constitutional law, was a magistrate of the Constitutional Court between 2013 and 2023 and its president between 2021 and 2023. . Carlos University.

Born in Madrid in 1958, he obtained a degree and a doctorate in Law from the Complutense University of Madrid with an exceptional award at the end of his degree in both. In this way, he was appointed professor of constitutional law by the University of Extremadura in 1998.

Pedro L. Gonzalez

Pedro L. Gonzalez

Before that, he was deputy director of the Center for Political and Constitutional Studies from 2002 to 2013 and a member of the Central Electoral Board from 2000 to 2013.

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And in 2021 he reached the pinnacle of his legal career, awarded by the full Court, unanimously, as his pride.

During his short tenure as head of the court, he issued relevant judgments such as the unconstitutionality of states of emergency declared by the government during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Or the paralysis of the legislative process by preventing the approval by the Senate of the amendments proposed by the Government to reform the electoral system of the Constitutional Court.

Có as magistrate and priest on January 9, 2023, after the inauguration of the new magistrate.

Pedro Cabezas González

On March 12, 2018, the Royal Academy of Jurisprudence and Legislation of Panama elected him as Academician number to fill the vacancy of the 13th Medal of the Corporation.

He has published topics related to the theory of the state, constitutional law, Spanish constitutional history and comparative law.

Republican attempts to reform the local education system have met resistance even in "red state" strongholds like Oklahoma. Institutional capture allows bureaucrats to thwart any attempt to root out extremist ideologies and mismanagement. It is a unique model of the national struggle for young American minds.

Pedro L. Gonzalez

Oklahoma Education Secretary Ryan Walters told me how grassroots activists are working with lawmakers to roll back critical racial ideologies in classrooms and other areas where learning has taken a back seat. But they lag behind state agencies and school systems. "Parents contact us every week with complaints about content that has been banned," Walters said.

Chilean Soccer Player Pedro Gonzalez (l) From U De Chile Fights For The Ball With Uruguayan Gabriel Silvera From Sport Boys During A Soccer Match For The Libertadores Cup In Callao, February

In 2021, the Oklahoma House passed House Bill 1775. It prevents K-12 schools from teaching the superiority of one race or gender over another. It also prohibits instruction that any person, knowingly or unknowingly, is inherently racist, sexist, or oppressive and prohibits instruction that "causes distress, offense, distress, or any other type of psychological distress to any person because of his race or gender . . , "or that" meritocracy or features such as the work ethic are racist or sexist or created by members of one race to oppress members of another race.

The fiery language of HB 1775 undermines the very concepts that left-wing ideologues use to introduce America's youth to the cults they shame and hate. This naturally sparked outrage from the usual skeptics. The American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit complaining that the bill would stifle "urgently needed conversations about race, inequality and systemic oppression." The call was echoed by the Black Emergency Response Team and the Oklahoma State Conference NACP.

The Oklahoma State Board of Education approved permanent rules for HB 1775 in March, giving teeth to its provisions. But this was only the beginning of the war.

Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt speaks with U.S. President Donald Trump during a panel discussion on economic reopening due to the shutdown caused by the COVID-19, also known as the coronavirus, at the state dining hall in the White House in Washington, DC, June 18, 2020 SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images

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On June 23, the Oklahoma State Department of Education announced that Tulsa Public Schools (TPS), the state's largest school district, had violated the new law. Staff there filed a complaint in March about an implicit bias training session provided by Vector Solutions, an outside vendor. Under the state board's new rules, the district's accreditation must be reduced to "accreditation by quality." School districts that exceed this level lose moderation and lose all state and federal funding.

At the request of two Tulsa school board members, Gov. Kevin Stitt earlier this month called for a special audit into the "possible misuse of public funds." Stitt noted that in addition to the potential violation of HB 1775, TPS received more than $200 million in federal COVID relief funds but remained closed longer than any other district, worsening academic results in a district that already it was underperforming. State test scores show the percentage of TPS students proficient in math and reading is just 16 percent and 19 percent, compared to Oklahoma averages of 33 percent and 34 percent.

With the announcement of an audit, the conflict between reform Republicans, their allies and bureaucrats like TPS Superintendent Deborah Guest escalated on social media. Those tensions were already high, thanks to Gust's insistence on renewing a contract with a Chinese language program for students through the Confucius Classroom Coordination Institute. Like their university campus counterparts, Confucius Institutes, Confucius Classrooms are affiliated with China's Ministry of Education.

Pedro L. Gonzalez

Yet people like Gust have allies in high places, including Oklahoma State Superintendent of Public Instruction Joe Hoffmeister. Hofmeister announced last year that he was leaving the Republican Party to run for governor as a Democrat. Their decision came after the state signed a law banning the mask mandate in schools, which they disputed. There is no firm evidence that these protocols reduce the spread of COVID-19, but there is plenty of evidence that masquerades in schools significantly hinder children's social, emotional and intellectual development.

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Under Hofmeister, the state's schools proved a hotbed of resistance to efforts to roll back the mandate; Oklahoma City Public Schools fired six teachers in November for failing to meet the district's mask requirement amid staffing shortages. The superintendent said she wants the ban to be "beaten down in the courts." It also claims the audit is a form of "corruption" against whistleblowers, even though TPS has already admitted to mismanaging at least $20,000 in public funds.

"To burn a city", wrote Joseph de Mastri, "it only takes a child or a madman, but to rebuild it you need architects, materials, workers, money and above all time". In other words, it's easy to destroy, but much harder to rebuild, and we often don't know how difficult the task is until the task has already begun. Even in Oklahoma, as in other "red states," laws and election mandates can be overturned by bureaucrats whose offices are not on the minds of most Americans until they leave congressional meetings. school council or when their children are forced to wear a mask. Rebuilding an organization's capacity to implement change will take time, money and work. But this is the price of their labor, an unwritten rule of the Constitutional Court, but which has been perfected since its creation. It consists in the fact that its president and vice-president are elected from among the four magistrates who are elected in the last third of their mandate. One tendency is conservative and the other, progressive, and the split is created according to the majority that prevails in the bail court. According to this rule, the judges best appointed to replace Juan Jose González Rivas as president of the TC are Pedro González-Trevijano, and Encarnación Roca, in the vice presidency, Juan Antonio Zeul.

Both share territory with Andrés Oleiro, also a conservative, and also with the progressive Fernando Valdés, but he will resign from the Court due to an episode of masochistic violence. The constitutional sources consulted by EL PERIÓDICO have no doubt that between González-Trevijano and Oleiro he chose for the maximum representation of the institution, it would be the first for different reasons, with the strong religious conviction of the second, which is very difficult. do according to the complete surroundings of the form of Siva. With Valdés' signal, the way is clear for Xiol to take the position of vice-president, if the tradition that prevails for the constitution is finally complicated.

The only thing that can play on them is that they are all part of the two third forms that will have to be renewed in June, in the quota that is related to the General Council of the Government and the Judiciary (CGPJ), among the institutions are divided. names Since the executive should not be formed according to the will of anyone, there is usually no delay, but the constitution provides for a third party for the renewal of its members, and among them two of the government and the council. The problem is that the CGPG, to complete the service part, will have to be renewed going forward, because the recent reform of the organic law of the Judiciary prevents them from being appointed while it is in operation.

Argentina's Vicente Peria (c) And Pedro Gonzalez (r) Stare Menacingly At Scotland's Willie Johnston (l) As He Protests His Innocence To The Referee Stock Photo

And if there is a renewal at Termini this term, González-Trevijano's presidency will be the shortest.